KATHMANDU, Sept 25: The violence and destruction unleashed during the Gen-Z movement on September 8 and 9 have shaken Nepali society to its core. Beyond the immediate loss of lives and property, the events have raised a troubling question: is Nepal drifting toward a future shaped more by anger and violence than by dialogue and reform? The answer is complex—but it demands urgent reflection.
Political analysts, psychologists, former police officials, party leaders, and ordinary citizens agree on one point: while multiple triggers exist, the growing anger—especially among the youth—reflects deeper systemic failures. Unless solutions are urgently crafted, they warn, the frustration will only intensify.
The two-day uprising, spearheaded by the Gen-Z movement—described as one of the fastest-rising political forces worldwide—left 73 confirmed dead and hundreds injured. Government offices, private buildings, businesses, vehicles, and even iconic institutions such as Singha Durbar, the Supreme Court, and Parliament were torched or destroyed. The economic toll is staggering, and the political impact even more unsettling.
Many now fear what this sudden upheaval signals for Nepal’s future and the social fabric of the nation.
Nepali Congress (NC) leader Krishna Prasad Sitaula called the resort to violence “deeply troubling.” Highlighting Nepal’s fundamentally peaceful and resilient in character, he warned: “Certain forces had been waiting for an opportunity to fuel instability. Had we strengthened state institutions in time, perhaps this day could have been avoided.”
Sitaula, who helped bring the Maoist conflict to an end through peace negotiations, cautioned that without economic empowerment, unrest is bound to resurface. “What concerns me most is how young minds are now influenced by violence and a thirst for instant change. This will leave lasting scars,” he said.
Janak Rai, Associate Professor of Anthropology at Tribhuvan University, pointed to society’s failure to understand its youth. “The aspirations, frustrations, and demographic realities of young people have not been fully grasped by the state, academia, or society,” he said. According to Rai, social media amplified these sentiments, enabling Gen-Z to mobilize more swiftly than previous movements. Ironically, the government’s decision to ban social media platforms became a catalyst for the uprising itself.
The protests, sparked by restrictions on 26 platforms including Facebook, drew strength from anger over corruption, mismanagement, and unemployment. On the eve of the movement, viral images tagged with #Nepokids contrasted the privileged lives of political elites’ children with those of ordinary Nepalis, inflaming public outrage.
Sanjay Shrestha, Assistant Professor of Psychology at TU, observed that corruption, joblessness, frustration, and repression created a sense of helplessness among youth. “The environment was primed for rebellion, which culminated in the arson and violence of September,” he said. He stressed that there is no single cause; rather, societal conditions channeled these impulses.
Rai added that while Nepali society is essentially progressive, systemic corruption and the collapse of accountability inevitably provoke resistance. “Social media offers freedom of expression, but algorithms shape our behavior. Gen-Z used this to full effect during the uprising,” he noted.
Lokranjan Parajuli, a researcher at Martin Chautari, identified impunity as another driver. Since the Maoist conflict, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission has failed to bring many perpetrators to justice. “The failure to punish collective violence fosters a culture that normalizes it,” he argued.
Former Additional Inspector General of Police Pushkar Karki echoed this concern. “A mindset has developed that collective violence carries no consequences. While nothing can justify such actions, impunity has undeniably played a role,” he said.
NC leader Sitaula also noted that many protestors were themselves victims of earlier conflicts, expressing long-suppressed frustration. “If those responsible for September 8 and 9 go unpunished, we will see this cycle repeat,” he warned.
Political analyst Muma Ram Khanal invoked Samuel P. Huntington’s theories, arguing that Nepal is caught in political, institutional and social decay. Weak institutions that fail to serve citizens, combined with leaders prioritizing personal interests over public good, breed instability, violence and widespread discontent.
Institutional decay, Khanal said, undermines democracy, destabilizes governance, and weakens social norms, fueling polarization and distrust. “We have over-politicized vital sectors—the civil service, police, education—damaging them profoundly. The anger we saw in September is rooted in this,” he explained.
To break the cycle, Khanal stressed the need to rebuild cohesion, knowledge, and rational governance. “Like a doctor treating an illness, we must identify the nation’s ailments and address them at their roots. Only then can we reduce the anger and violence,” he concluded.